30 December 2016

Researching family in New Zealand and looking up leads





Recently before I left for a month long trip to New Zealand, I thought I would help my grandfather out by doing some research for him on his side of the family tree. I had thought he would have done some research like going through information like Papers Past in New Zealand. I wanted to help Claude out as I thought it would be interesting to see what I could find.

The biggest bit of research I wanted to look into was about the farm in Puhipuhi near Whangarei in Northland, New Zealand. He had thought the farm had been purchased around 1920 and there was going to be a reunion or gathering in 2020 as the farm is actually still in the family. I had seen an aerial survey picture several years ago, but I knew basically nothing about the farm other than being a dairy farm. The only real thing I did know was that the farm was a discharged soldier’s farm. By accident, I did come across an article in 1921 that did confirm the farm had been purchased around the 1920s as the article was about a J. Williams and his sheep as he had completed his first year of farming. I knew I had the correct person, although John Williams had other family members on farms in the local area. Their farms had to be given up and changed hands from the way I read the files from the National archives.

Wanting to try to confirm the exact period, I looked through Ancestry, but not in depth within the website. I kept looking through Paperspast within the newspapers, but kept on coming up with John’s brothers Llewelyn and Rupert especially in regards to wanting better roads around Puhipuhi or in Llewelyn’s case two articles about an accident where he lost one eye and his return to the farm.

The National Archives may not have furnished me with a file on John Williams, but I did find several others like the land transfers for Rupert Williams. I will have to find out if there is a file hidden amongst the files that havnt come up within the searches at the Archives. It will be interesting. Deciding the parliamentary papers might come up with something if I looked up information within the Soldiers discharge or even Returned soldiers if there was anything. I accidentally came across the Sheep returns that provide you with number between April 30 of one year ending on April 30 of the next year. These include the numbers of the sheep and lambs within parliamentary papers so that would mean solid information. It conformed John Williams had his farm in the 1920s sometime after April 30 1920 and after 1922 the sheep and lamb numbers vanished. I did search either side of the years and found nothing. I am guessing he somehow sold all the sheep and ended up going into the dairy industry. There are no individual names for that other than the cattle numbers for the whole district. I don’t know if the sheep had anything to do with selling wool to England, but I do have the basics for some research and time period.

I thought it would be because the dairy factory in Hikurangi would have only been established, but that had been in 1903, I think it was so there must have been other reasons that I never knew about.

Other research I have looked into is within Albert Gabolinscy in Germany. I cant confirm what I have found, but I think if I actually say what I have found some family members might take that as I have found proof. I would never use what I have found as proof unless there are several sources. I found an Albert Johann Gablonski, where I was wondering if this was the guy in Germany around the same period. Johann actually sounds like Owen, but that is as far as I will go until I have found more concrete information. Its what I do, I run down leads. I don’t speak German, but that wont stop me and I even found a newspaper article on Trove where Albert gives his address in Kohukohu in a German language paper in Adelaide. I still don’t have him coming to or even leaving New Zealand in the 30 year time period.

While in the Hikurangi museum, I did come across two Gabolinscys that were police officers in their younger days especially through sport like boxing. It makes me wonder if the stories I have been told are really true, which I think they are. They were police officers, who were also thugs who were kicked out of the force. When you hear stories of people beating up Islanders in the 1960s just for fun and you know of others in the family with issues towards anger then you may figure out thatr runs in the family. I would like to access their service records and I need permission from the archivist to do so as they are restricted until 2030 from memory.

My grandparents did show me two certificates that were found under their bed that was to a friendly society known as the Ancient Order of the Foresters. Two family members that I know of were part of this order and from some basic research they were like a type of charity group to helping people. I have found many family members who have been druids or part of orders in New Zealand. You never know what can be found under beds

Sources
J Williams first year of farm 1921 puhipuhi Manawatu Times, Volume XLVI, Issue 1949, 18 October 1921

J Williams Sheep returns April 1921 H-23b RETURN OF SHEEPOWNERS AND OF THE NUMBER OF SHEEP AND LAMBS IN EACH COUNTY ON THE 30th APRIL, 1920 AND 1921.

J Williams H-23b RETURN OF SHEEPOWNERS AND OF THE NUMBER OF SHEEP AND LAMBS IN EACH COUNTY ON THE 30th APRIL, 1922 AND 1923.

Papers Past -  includes Parliamentary papers

11 October 2016

Family tree mystery: Was Charles Patterson a deserter?




For several years I had hoped against hope that I would eventually find the service record for several British family members for the First World War. One in Particular going by the name of Charles Napier Patterson had the family story attached to him about being a deserter and hiding in the attic. I wanted to prove if there was truth to the story even though I had been given several photos. Charles died in 1947 and was unmarried. He did work for the same company that built the Sydney Harbour Bridge, Dorman Long and co bridge building. From information in the family file he worked in Alaska and Africa.




The first time I thought I could get help with my research was my first trip to England in 2010 and I took copies of the pictures I have of Charles hoping a military historian at the Imperial War Museum could help. Since I had no real information, I would be happy to have Charles identified. The historians were having an open day in London and was part of the reason for the quick visit. They could not help due to having nothing on the service or the uniform. Another attempt to research, Charles’ service was through a work mate who was a war history buff, who couldn’t find anything. He is a big enough buff that he is a collector of war memorabilia from Australia. Its funny who you can find in a supermarket

By sheer luck and by accident, I found a record for Charles Napier Patterson and that was only because I had listed his mother on the Ancestry search. Her surname is unique as its Tynemouth and not a common name so I know, I have the correct person. He had listed his age as being 25 years when he was actually 30 years in 1915. Occupation was that of a steward and the regiment was the Northumberland Hussars Yeomanry. Charles joined the services on the 22nd of Jan 1915 as a Hussar 2/1. From the 16th of August 1916, Charles was transferred to the Machine Gun Corps. The records do say he was part of the M.G.C 2nd Battalion and served overseas. A search couldn’t really tell me which exact battalion he was part of. More research needs to be done and I will get there eventually. I do have photos of him that tend to answer these questions, but offer no explanations until now.

The problem, I found about the story of desertion was soldiers could be court marshalled and the sentence could be death by execution when you are part of the British Army, except for Australian soldiers that is. The story within the records did not check out with the family story of desertion as Charles was in trouble around a week or so after WW1 had ended. On the 27th of November 1918, Charles was charged with ‘Trotting and cantering horses on cobbled road contrary to orders’. He was given three days of F.P, which I found out was the shortened version of Field Punishment. There was another punishment in 1916, but much of that was unreadable other than being unsteady while on parade.

I probably should have explained what the Northumberland Hussar’s were at the beginning of the blog, but thought it would be better at the end. According to Wikipedia, which I wanted basic information the group was supposed to be a Territorial Force for home defence, but WW1 changed that idea and were split into three different groups. Charles was part of the 2/1st Hussars that was formed in October 1914. In 1916 it was split up, although trying to figure everything out is not easy I don’t have enough information as to why he was transferred to the Machine Gun Corp unless it was part of the split in the Hussars. It is still enough of a mystery that I can spend time on research as I now have somewhere to look.

Links
Northumberland Yeomanry

Wikipedia, Northumberland Hussars

22 June 2016

The Forgotten Australians, an example of an apologetic history





Apologies by the government are meant to open door for community groups who have been marginalised in the past by an event that took place. As the world becomes linked globally, apologies are becoming common and are a form of reconciliation. In 2009 the Australian Prime Minister Kevin Rudd along with opposition leader Malcolm Turnbull publically apologised to a group of people who are known as the Forgotten Australians who grew up within institutions. A senate inquiry in 2004 began and uncovered the culture of silence of a people whose experiences were ignored. These people are known as the Forgotten Australians otherwise known as ‘Care Leavers’. The ages of the Forgotten Australians range from people in their nineties to those who are in their thirties. There is not one small group of people that have been affected. The words “Forgotten Australians’ were first used within the 2004 senate inquiry report and are similar to the words used for the Stolen Generation. The government had uncovered the dealings with the group while they were researching the Stolen Generation who were Aboriginal people who had been taken from their homes.

Before the apology in 2009 by the federal government there were several reports produced including one in 2004 about what was occurring within the institutions to child migrants and Australian children who were left there too. After people had been placed into institutions such as places for children there had been a history of abuse, neglect and trauma that would stay with them throughout their lives. The government are aware of problems arising with the people who were taken into care and that they may suffer from problems including many medical and issues about those who have authority. A booklet was created by the Alliance of Forgotten Australians to help understand those who have been in state car at some point in their lives. The stories of the Forgotten Australians began emerging after the 1980s when people began looking into the Stolen Generation as both groups can be linked together. Children along with child migrants had been placed into the care of institutions under schemes that had operated between 1947 to the 1960s. Within a two year period in 2008 and 2009 the Federal government had apologised to both groups.

Before the government apology in 2009 there had been three national inquiries into the experiences of children who had been placed into institutional care. The reports had uncovered information that had not been known before and would lead towards the government making an apology, although there would be hurdles to go through first. Some of the advocacy group’s objectives were for there to be a senate report into what had happened within the organisations or institutions so that they would not be forgotten by the Australian public. They did lobby the government for the inquiry. There were requirements about how the apology was to be conducted by the government both state and federal along with the institutions who had been involved. Words like ‘if’ and ‘regret’ were not to be used as the apology was meant to be for all people who had been in care and not a select few.

The Howard government had rejected calls for an apology to be made to certain groups between 1996 and 2007. The thought by the government at the time was saying sorry was not their responsibility or appropriate. The Australian states and several institutions between 1999 and 2012 had issued their own apologies through the state premiers. The states paved the way for the Federal government to do the same to the people. The apology on 16 November 2009 tried to rectify the injustices carried out on child migrants to Australia and those who were in institutions within Australia. These people had been known by the name of ‘Forgotten Australians’. Both sides of the government, Prime Minister Kevin Rudd and Opposition leader Malcolm Turnbull both spoke when they came together for the national apology. There were a number of people gathered to watch the talk who had been part of the group the government were talking about and giving the apology to.

In the wake of the apology there have been projects to document the history of the Forgotten Australians and the people’s access to the archival information that may help them to access records. There are some people who think the apology is a start, but does not go far enough. There is a view that the institutions involved need to be held accountable for what has occurred in the past. Some of the problems maybe the fact that people who were in the care of institutions need help in some way or form for the rest of their lives and need help from not only their families, but also from the government. Out of the apology and recognition for the forgotten Australians a traveling exhibition was formed to showcase information about the life if Children’s homes and institutions. This exhibition was called Inside and looked at the different aspects of life in regards to institutionalised children and child migrants to Australia. The national apology by Kevin Rudd has lead into the Royal Commission into child abuse. One of the Federal Members of parliament was actually a ward of the state.

The Apology in 2009 for the Forgotten Australians was a long time coming since the senate inquiry in 2004. The problems that stemmed from the people who had been institutionalised through many different organisations would be on going and many of the cases would have been recent in history and not something that had been far off down the track. The records are slowly being accessible for all who had been involved and technology has helped with gaining the people with some form of identity especially with many who had the same experiences. Governments apologise for many reasons and the Australian Federal Government’s apology in 2009 recognised the problems of the past as many experiences were unique and the fallout from the apology is still ongoing today especially when other events have occurred like the current Royal Commission.  Apologies are not just an end all and forget about everything that has occurred, but taking responsibility for what has happened in the past to help those involved to move on with their lives.
Bibliography

Primary Sources
‘Apologies’, Alliance for Forgotten Australians, 2014, http://www.forgottenaustralians.org.au/apologies.html, accessed 5 March 2015.

‘Forgotten Australians: A report on Australians who experienced institutional or out-of-home care as children’ Parliament of Australia, 2004, http://www.aph.gov.au/Parliamentary_Business/Committees/Senate/Community_Affairs/Completed_inquiries/2004-07/inst_care/report/index, accessed 16 March 2015.

‘Inside Life in children’s homes and institutions’, National Museum Australia, http://www.nma.gov.au/exhibitions/inside_life_in_childrens_homes_and_institutions/home, accessed 12 March 2015.

‘Prime Minister Transcript of address at the apology to the Forgotten Australians and former child migrants Great Hall, Parliament House 16 November 2009’, Prime Minister of Australia, http://pandora.nla.gov.au/pan/110625/20091116-1801/www.pm.gov.au/node/6321.html, accessed 7 March 2015.

Lane, Sabra ‘National apology for Forgotten Australians’, ABC News, 2009, http://www.abc.net.au/news/2009-11-16/national-apology-for-forgotten-australians/1143490, accessed 7 March 2015.

Unknown 'Forgotten Australian' wants more than apology’, ABC news, 2009, http://www.abc.net.au/news/2009-11-06/forgotten-australian-wants-more-than-apology/1131860, 7 March 2015.

Secondary Sources


Edwards, Jason A. ‘Apologizing for the past for a better future: Collective apologies in the United States, Australia and Canada’, Southern Communication Journal, 75, 2010, pp. 57 – 75.

‘Forgotten Australians’, Lotus Place, http://www.lotusplace.org.au/redress/forgotten-australians, accessed 17 March 2015.

Harrison, Eris Jane ‘Forgotten Australians: supporting survivors of childhood Institutional care in Australia’, Alliance for Forgotten Australians, 2014, http://www.forgottenaustralians.org.au/PDF/MiniAfaBooklet.pdf, accessed 17 March 2015.

Irons, Steve ‘Forgotten Australians’, http://steveirons.com.au/national/forgotten-australians-2/, accessed 10 March 2015.

Irons, Steve ‘Forgotten Australians’, Open Australia, 2009, http://www.openaustralia.org.au/debates/?id=2009-11-23.124.1, accessed 10 March 2015.

Jones, Michael and O'Neill, Cate ‘Identity, records and archival evidence: exploring the needs of Forgotten Australians and Former Child Migrants’, Archives and Records: The Journal of the Archives and Records Association, 35, 2014, pp.110-125.

Marian, Cherie ‘Forgotten Australians Still Searching for ‘The Road Home’, Parity, 22, 2009, pp. 36 – 37.

Penglase, Joanna Forgotten Australians: the Report of the Senate Inquiry into Children in Institutional Care’ Developing Practice: The Child, Youth and Family Work Journal, 11, 2004, pp. 32-37.

Swain, Shurlee Sheedy, Leonie & O'Neill, Cate ‘Responding to “Forgotten Australians”: historians and the legacy of out of home “care”’, Journal of Australian Studies, 36, 2012, pp. 17-28.

06 June 2016

The Tolpuddle Martyrs





The Tolpuddle Martyrs are an interesting bunch especially when I have family during the same time period living in Beaminster, which is close to where this occurred. They would have known about this event in time occurring. The other interesting part to the story of the Tolpuddle Martyrs were that they were sent back. Not a story that you hear about often in regards to the convict story. What I will be telling is not a complete account as there is others out there who would have the complete story


Labour relations in nineteenth century, England was changing dramatically, which would lead to conflict between the government, local landowners and the labourers who wanted fair treatment. In a time when wages were decreasing in Dorset, labourers wanted wages that could help them provide for their families instead of being below the poverty line where they would need assistance from their Parish. Poor Law became heavily relied upon when farm labourers had several children and their farm labouring wage was not enough to support the family. Small farms were becoming enclosed and creating bigger farms meaning people were forced off their land to work for the land owners. George Loveless in 1834 founded a union to help the local farm labourers with the falling wage situation amongst the local farms. The local government within Tolpuddle feared the impact the fledgling union would have in the local area. Trade unions were not illegal during 1834, although other movements appeared in earlier time periods that involved breaking machines, which took jobs away from labourers. The authorities wanted to use the case against the Tolpuddle Martyrs as an example by charging six men involved for taking false oaths including George Loveless. The punishment received was seven years transportation, where the trouble makers would hopefully not return. The local government and land holders sent a message to the community showing what could happen to the Martyrs could happen to them if they caused trouble.


Rural farmers knew agricultural labourers could be paid less wages since there would always be someone willing to work for the rate provided and sometimes the parish would supplement the income from the Poor Law Rates. Labourers felt they were being undercut when farming machinery appeared on farms and disturbances like the Swing riots would occur when people went around breaking machines. Labourers in England, especially those living within areas affected by downturns relied on the goodwill of their parish to help due to the labourers not earning enough to live comfortably. Farm labourers often had little in the way of food and would regularly go without food. There were numerous complaints about their living conditions, which went far back as the late 1780s if not further. It was not until the middle of the Nineteenth Century when conditions began improving for the labourers. Dorset agricultural labourers found their weekly wages in 1833 decreased well below the average agricultural wage in England. The falling wages hurt many workers who already lived in poverty situations especially when they had large families. Before 1834, farm labourers wanted liveable wages so they would not starve to death and to be treated fairly.


George Loveless was a ploughman and a Methodist, who would become the centre of the Tolpuddle affair during 1834, when the authorities would not tolerate his stand when creating a union in the town. George was one person amongst six, who would become known as the Tolpuddle Martyrs. The other Martyrs were George Brine, James Hammett, James Loveless John Stanfield and Thomas Stanfield. George Loveless had approached a local magistrate, William Morden Pitt searching for information about getting the wages raised for the local labourers. William Pitt would later inform magistrate James Frampton of the situation. The opposite occurred instead when wages were lowered. The wages lowered from 9 shillings to 7 shillings would make life tougher for labourers who were already struggling. The local farmers who were provided with the suggested wage of 10 shillings, offered 9 shillings before threatening to lower the wage lower than 7 shillings. Rural locations in England were isolated from the rest of the country, especially during the Nineteenth Century, where events could have been entirely different were they closer to larger cities and within easy reach of larger organisations like unions. The trial of R. v. Loveless in 1834 shows how an obsolete law, known as the Unlawful Oaths Act can still be used when they are not repealed. The case provides an insight into why trade unions began growing and difficulties the members had. Trade unions were not illegal in 1834 as the Combination Acts of 1799 – 1800 had been repealed in 1824, which could explain why the men from Tolpuddle had been charged under the Mutiny Act of 1797 for giving an ‘illegal’ oath. The authorities might have hoped the general agriculture labourer would not understand what they were being charged over.

The Mutiny Act of 1797 was passed during a time of war when mutiny was occurring on military vessels and was only meant to be temporary as an emergency measure. To be used against a union would be taking the Act further than it should be used outside of the period of war. The language of the law at this time was confusing and people had problems understanding the wording of the laws. Even to modern views it could be confusing let alone for someone living in the nineteenth century. There was the view locals did not have a fair idea regarding to legal cases in their local area. Before the 1830s, parliamentarians would most likely take the word of gentry that were land owners than speak to the farm hands or labourers. The land owners might not have the best interests of the labourers in hand at all. The labourers would be stuck with the plough on the farm and were mostly illiterate. It was felt the judge involved and the government handed down too harsh a sentence when other crimes received smaller sentences like a Master beating a child to death was given several months jail. The Martyrs were said to already be at sea when people questioned the sentence. Throughout the early 1830s farmers and landholders did petition the government informing them of the conditions the labourers had to endure, especially their poverty and unemployment. The government of the time were paying little attention to what was occurring.

Magistrates within the English counties were powerful men especially when they were wealthy landowners themselves like James Frampton, who could be considered to be an anti-unionist, who was worried about the reoccurrence of the swing from the creation of the union in Tolpuddle. The magistrates in rural England held in their hands the power over life and death. Some within the English government held the view the lower and labouring class needed an example of what happened when people resisted the law and upset the status quo. If the government relaxed their position, then the people would view this as a form of weakness to be exploited. Many trade unions were going under the guise of friendly societies and the government discussed the role of such groups. One issue the law offices of the crown were trying to work out was the illegal oaths taken in Tolpuddle on the 10th of March 1834. They wanted to know if people could be punished for using the oaths. The jury in the Tolpuddle trial consisted of local farmers who would have had a stake in the outcome of the trial. There were no ministers or general workers amongst the jury, which would mean the men, would not be before their peers. The authorities were against the Martyrs for proclaiming an oath. An oath taken was viewed as treason towards the country at the time and was used against them during the court case. On the 24th February 1834, the six farm workers were marched 7 miles in chains from Tolpuddle to Dorchester where they would stand trial. George Loveless and the other men were charged under the Unlawful Oaths Act of 1797 in 1834. The authorities used the 1797 Unlawful Oaths Act instead of using the 1799, Unlawful Societies Act, which would have bought a lighter penalty. In Dorchester Prison the men had their heads shaved and were in miserable conditions. The trial would begin on the 17th of March in 1834 and the crown would use the evidence from Edward Legg and John Lock against the Tolpuddle Martyrs, which also revolved around the oath that was taken. Edward Legg provided information that he was read a passage in a bible before being told the labourers would pay a fee to enter the union and were expected to strike when ordered to do so.

Unions were formed between miners and manufacturing workers in northern England where movements were common. There were magistrates in southern rural parts of England who kept a close eye on union movements. The local authorities would move to quash such movements located within their area, which included friendly societies like in Tolpuddle. Delegates from the trade union Grand National Consolidated Trade Union visited Tolpuddle in 1833. One of the group who had been arrested had written a letter to the Grand National looking for guidance and hoping they would visit. The reason for the visit was to talk about the falling wages and how to resist them. They urged the labourers to create an organisation of their own. The in November of same year, the labourers formed what would be known as the Friendly society of Agricultural Labourers or the Agricultural Union. George Loveless wanted to establish a union as the local farm labourers would be members and withdraw their services as one to force the local farmers to bargain with the labourers for better conditions. Villages viewed trade unions differently compared to towns since both had different requirements and life was vastly different. Other issues included the closing of commons and how poor relief was dealt out to people. The Tolpuddle story was used to inspire trade unionists in the 1830s and the 1840s, when used as an example of the consequences of what could happen and was one of the better known events involving unionists. The main consequence of the Tolpuddle Martyr event meant agricultural unionism within Dorset was killed off for the next four decades.

After the agricultural labourers in Tolpuddle formed a union their wages had been reduced. The local land owners wanted to move quickly and make an example out of the labourers in fear the group would riot and cause uprisings. The severity of the punishment handed down to the Tolpuddle group had mixed feelings. Many from different counties had signed petitions, which were handed to parliament and The King. Others were unsympathetic to the plight. One parliamentarian did proudly mention the trade union in his county had vanished. It took two years of public outcry and petitions from different parts of England against the severity of their sentence. At one stage 1,563 signatures were presented to the government.

The consequences for the events that took place in Tolpuddle in 1834 were many. The six Tolpuddle martyrs involved with the creation of the union were sent to a prison hulk to wait for their time, where they would be transported to Australia. Their charge was the maximum of seven years transportation that could be given. After being sentenced to transportation it had been mentioned there was a book in the possession of George Loveless with the names of other members of the union. The authorities wanted to enquire with the local farmers to speak with the union members. The threat used was for the labourers to either quit the union or be dismissed from their employment. The authorities were warned communication with union members in such a way might bring trouble and unions were not illegal unless they did something that was. The Australian colonies seemed to be used to remove trouble makers from the community and deposit or exile them nearly a world away out of sight and out of mind to the government’s relief. There was the belief that farmers and landlords belonged to one class and those who were considered to be labourers to be in another class. This would cause tensions between all groups including the labourers who wanted to make something of their lives. George Loveless and the other Martyrs were considered to be pioneers to the labour movement. The only problem would be they were not the first trade unionists. The trade union by August 1834, ceased to exist in Dorset, although the cause for the labourers remained alive even when they were sent to Hobart Town and Sydney.

When looking at the consequence of the Tolpuddle affair it had been thought the growth of trade unions had been stunted for a period of forty years. The role of the Tolpuddle Martyrs tends to range from being overlooked in history to having a bigger role than what was actually occurring during the time period. The Tolpuddle Martyrs could even have a lasting effect on the local labourers, which could be felt to this day. The Tolpuddle Martyr event in Dorset united many workers as they came to the defence of the Martyrs. An activist within parliament, William Cobbett thought the Tolpuddle event might galvanise the workers to start a revolution within England, although he had his own views on what was happening during this period of time and could have had his hand in many pots since. William was himself within the political environment as a parliamentarian in London during 1834. After the trial in April, the men were transported from Dorchester to Salisbury in irons. They then travelled further to Portsmouth where they would be placed on a prison hulk. By the 25th of May the first ship carrying George Loveless had left England for Hobart arriving in September and the others arrived in Sydney in August. The reputations of the Martyrs did follow them to the colonies. It would take nearly two years for the men to be released and sent back to England in June 1837, although not all returned at the same time.  James Hammett would be the only one who would live in Tolpuddle upon their return, while the others farmed in Essex before migrating to Canada where they would spend their lives.

Labour relations in England were tricky around the time of the Tolpuddle affair, especially when many farm owners thought they had large amounts of power over the common agricultural labourer who could be fired for mentioning the pay conditions of other farms. Protests during this period had been common with swing riots where machines were destroyed as they were thought to be taking employment away from the labourers who would be left destitute and have no employment. The local magistrates usually had conflict of interests especially if they were local land owners. They had power over people in their parishes, which meant they could dictate what they thought would be in the people’s best interests. The farmers thought they were justified when threatening to lower the wages of the labourers who could not survive on anything lower wages. Trade unions were becoming popular and when George Loveless and others formed a union in Tolpuddle, the local government intervened trying to convict them of getting people to administer an illegal oath, which was meant to be for something else that included mutiny and treason within the military. The local government wanted to make the Tolpuddle farmers an example to the rest of the country and other labourers to put them back in their own place to show literally who was boss. There were unexpected consequences in regards to sending the Tolpuddle Martyrs to the colony by transportation as people petitioned the government for George Loveless and the other men to be returned from transportation. Trade unions might have been stunted for a short time period in Dorset, but the trial of the Tolpuddle Martyrs would have been forever immortalised as an event, where the common worker won against the might of the landowner and the government. The Tolpuddles have cemented their place in the history books and were likely more effective than many of the riots that took place in the past like the swing riots even though many of those were sentenced to transportation like George Loveless and the others who were with him. The impact of the events in Tolpuddle could have had a lasting impact on other industries within Dorset and nearby villages.


Bibliography
Dickson, Ralph ‘The Tolpuddle Martyrs: Guilty or not guilty?’, The Journal of Legal History, 7, 1986, pp. 178-187.

Donnelly, F. K. ‘Ideology and Early English Working-Class History: Edward Thompson and His Critics’, Social History, 1, 1976, pp. 219-238.

Dyck, Ian ‘William Cobbett and the Rural Radical Platform’ Social History, 18, 1993, pp. 185-204.

Griffiths, Clare ‘Remembering Tolpuddle: Rural History and Commemoration in the Inter-War Labour Movement’, History Workshop Journal, 44, 1997, pp. 144-169.

Hammond, J.L. ‘The last labourer’s revolt’, The village labourer, 1760 – 1832: a study in the government of England before the Reform Bill, eds. J.L. Hammond and Barbara Hammond, London, Longmans, 1911, pp. 216 – 247.

Hurst, Gerald B. ‘The Dorchester Labourers, 1834’, The English Historical Review, 40, 1925, pp. 54 – 66.

Moore, Tony Death or Liberty, Millers Point, Murdoch Books, 2010.

Steedman, Carolyn ‘At every bloody level: A magistrate, a framework-knitter, and the law’, Law and History Review, 30, 2012, pp. 387 – 422.

Wells, Roger ‘Rural rebels in Southern England in the 1930’s’, Artisans, peasants and proletarians 1760 – 1860: Essays presented to Gwyn A. Williams, eds. Clive Emsley and James Walvin, London, Croom Helm, 1985, pp. 124 – 165.

Wells, R. ‘Tolpuddle in the context of the English Agrarian Labour history’, British Trade Unionism 1750 – 1850: The formative years, ed. John Rule, London, Longman, 1988, pp. 98 – 142.